By Adam Seth Levine
Americans at the present time face no scarcity of threats to their monetary wellbeing and fitness, comparable to activity and retirement lack of confidence, overall healthiness care expenses, and spiraling collage school. whereas one could anticipate that those matters could inspire humans to turn into extra politically working on the problems, this frequently does not ensue, and the ensuing inactivity incorporates outcomes for political debates and public coverage. relocating past formerly studied limitations to political association, American Insecurity sheds gentle at the public's inactiveness over fiscal insecurities via exhibiting that the rhetoric surrounding those concerns is de facto self-undermining. by way of their nature, the very arguments meant to mobilize individuals--asking them to commit funds or time to politics--remind voters in their fiscal fears and private constraints, resulting in undermobilization and nonparticipation.
Adam Seth Levine explains why the set of people that develop into politically energetic on monetary lack of confidence concerns is hence particularly slender. whilst funds is required, purely those that care concerning the matters yet will not be in my opinion affected get entangled. while time is required, participation is proscribed to these now not individually affected or those who find themselves in my opinion affected yet outdoor of the hard work strength with time to spare. The latter explains why it's rather effortless to mobilize retirees on themes that mirror own monetary matters, reminiscent of Social defense and Medicare. commonly, even though, whilst political illustration calls for a wide workforce to make their case, financial lack of confidence threats are uniquely disadvantaged.
Scrutinizing the principles of political habit, American Insecurity deals a brand new viewpoint on collective participation.
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Extra info for American Insecurity: Why Our Economic Fears Lead to Political Inaction
A focal goal all along was an ill-fated proposal for a public insurance option that promised to boost competition in the insurance market and ultimately reduce health insurance costs. C. By the time Obama signed the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act in March 2010, HCAN had half a million people on its mailing list. 10 Some had also made monetary donations to the group. But who were the members? The answer, it turns out, is that they were overwhelmingly middle- to upper-middle-class professionals who, by virtue of their occupations, likely had decent health insurance.
Less visible policies are those that operate through the tax code and/or as subsidies to private organizations. 50 In areas of submerged policy, it is reasonable to suspect that people may not have a good sense of how the government could meaningfully help. Another reason why people may not have a concrete sense of an appropriate government response could be that certain topics are especially difficult to understand and form opinions on. 51 Difficult issues are missing one or more of these attributes.
I owe particular thanks to friends and colleagues who read earlier parts of the manuscript (or papers that would ultimately become part of the manuscript) and offered detailed, constructive feedback: Jacob Hacker, Joanne Miller, Leslie McCall, Yanna Krupnikov, Suzanne Mettler, Richard Bensel, Peter Enns, Michael Jones-Correa, John Ryan, John Geer, Cindy Kam, Josh Clinton, and my anonymous reviewers. I thank Matt Grossmann for sharing both his thoughts and data. Chapters 2 and 6 include data from the 2004 Campaign Communication Study (CCS) run by Brigham Young University (BYU).